Interviews with Max du Preez

In the early ‘90s—well, ’91, it was getting quite heated. You know, apart from being charged with all these court cases and stuff, they bombed our offices [of the anti-apartheid newspaper Vrye Weekblad] and they sabotaged some of our cars and stuff like that, which was quite ugly. But I was never hurt. Nobody was ever hurt in the explosions, because also we knew that it was gonna happen so we were very careful. And they caught the guys who planted the bombs.

The security police caught them because the bombers were from the military—this was the story being put to us. This was ’91 now. And so the guy who actually planted the bomb confessed to the security police, and the security police officer came to me and he said, “This guy confessed.” And I said, “Why would he do that?” And he said, “Because we tortured the hell out of him.” And I said, “Well, why do you tell me that? You know how we feel about torture.” He says, “Yeah, but now I did it for you. You should be happy with that.” And that was kind of the shocking thing. He was never charged, of course. It was denied up to the end, but we know exactly who did it.

Yeah, so a lot of little sabotage going on: the wheel nuts of the cars would be—of my car would be loosened and you would drive off in the morning and your wheels fall of, or you would have no brakes, and stuff like that. But, you know, not—nothing—it could’ve been much more serious, because afterwards, after 1994—a lot of the information that we have on those dire days came from after 1994, when a lot of these people who—the security policemen and the military intelligence people and so on who tried to kill us and sabotage us came to us and told us the stories, because now we’re all on the same side, because now we’re a democracy, which I found very bizarre. And they tried to pretend that we were now friends.

So in this vein—and they suggested this kind of intimacy, which I think is universally true. If you torture a guy, there’s an intimacy between you afterwards, because you had seen each other. And they suspected—they wanted to impose that intimacy upon me because they’d be listening to every conversation I’d make. They were in my bedroom. They knew everything about me. They knew everything about my children and my girlfriends and whatever. And they thought there was an intimacy. I never knew them, and I certainly wouldn’t want an intimate relationship with anybody like that.

But one of these guys, a colonel, actually came to me after 1994, with me and some of my colleagues, invited us for lunch, and then he told me the story of how he was given the job to assassinate me on a piece of land in the eastern Free State, where I was visiting. And to him this was a wonderful story to tell, and there was a lot of back-slapping and drinking of beer and eating of steaks. And he told how he was sent and that he brought a Russian Dragunov assassination rifle and he was sitting there and my neighbor had told him where I’d be, and the first time he couldn’t shoot me because there was a young blonde woman next to me and he couldn’t get a clean shot. And he says, “And I’m not an animal. I wouldn’t shoot you in front of a young woman.” And the second time my daughter was with me and he couldn’t kill me, and the third time I didn’t pitch. And he says, “Well, and now it’s a good thing I didn’t kill you, because here we’re having a nice steak.”

You know, so those—there was a lot of that stuff that went on, but clearly they didn’t succeed in shooting me. But we hear still a lot of that, and I think a lot of ANC [African National Congress] people and a lot of anti-apartheid activists could tell you the same story of after ’94, people coming and saying, “Well, you remember that happening to you? It was me,” sort of, you know, we were in a nice little war together, which I find fascinating, that people would think that.

[The African National Congress (ANC) is a political party that served as the most prominent resistance movement against South Africa’s apartheid system, at times resorting to violence through its military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe. It was officially banned by the South African government from 1960 to 1990. As apartheid collapsed, the ANC’s leader, Nelson Mandela, was elected President of South Africa in 1994 and established a democratic government.]

Max du Preez is a South African journalist, author and documentary filmmaker. He was an anti-apartheid journalist who worked to expose government repression.

Born in 1951, Max du Preez grew up in Kroonstad, South Africa. Unlike many Afrikaners, descendants of Dutch colonial settlers who largely supported the apartheid government, his parents were open-minded toward integration of whites and non-whites.

After attending Stellenbosch University, an Afrikaner institution, du Preez began a career in journalism writing for Afrikaans and English language newspapers supportive of the apartheid government. Du Preez quickly became disenchanted by the South African media’s blatant political bias and abandoned his work in the mainstream media.

Du Preez became involved with anti-apartheid movements like the United Democratic Front. In 1988, he founded Vrye Weekblad, the first Afrikaans-language, anti-apartheid newspaper that offered alternative policy perspectives from mainstream media and was critical of the government. The government attempted to stifle the paper financially and legally by levying exorbitant registration fees and charging it with various infractions. In 1990, a member of the Civil Cooperation Bureau, a pro-apartheid group, bombed Vrye Weekblad’s headquarters. Vrye Weekblad survived, however, until 1994 when the government’s financial pressure finally forced its closure. Ironically, apartheid collapsed and South Africa transitioned to democracy later that same year.

During the transition, du Preez covered the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission on television, publicizing the body’s efforts to ease tension and promote a unified, post-apartheid South Africa.

Today, Du Preez remains a prominent South African columnist and media personality. He has received several awards including the Nat Nakasa Award for Courageous Journalism and been named the Yale Globalist International Journalist.

South Africa is a nation of almost 53 million on the southern tip of Africa. The nation has a unique multicultural character and is approximately 80 percent African and 10 percent European, with the remaining 10 percent being of mixed race or Asian heritage. These broad racial categories include a multitude of ethnic and linguistic groups.

Although it has the largest economy on the continent, much of the nation remains in poverty and there is great economic disparity. Historically, the mining industry has played a key role in South Africa’s economy and it continues to remain an important industry today, alongside manufacturing, tourism, and financial services.

South Africa was first settled by non-natives in 1652, when the Dutch established an outpost in what would later become Cape Town. Soon after, British, French, and German settlers came to the area. The descendants of the original Dutch settlers became known as Afrikaners. Conflicts over land and power arose between the settling groups as well as between the settlers and the native people of the region. In 1910, Britain formally created the Union of South Africa as a self-governing dominion within the British Empire.

Throughout South Africa’s history, non-whites were subjected to widespread discrimination. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the government passed a series of laws institutionalizing discrimination and segregation. In the 1948 elections, the National Party, which served as a platform for Afrikaner nationalism, gained power. The National Party program was centered on the system of racial segregation known as apartheid. Supporters of apartheid argued that South Africa was made up of four distinct racial groups: white, black, “Coloured” or mixed-race, and Indian.

The white minority oppressed the African majority and other non-white groups. Black Africans were particularly disadvantaged in terms of education, housing, income, and health. Blacks were denied citizenship and not permitted to use the services and facilities accessible by the white minority. Many blacks were forced to relocate when their neighborhoods were declared “white.” A series of laws enacted in the 1950s further codified and expanded racial segregation. In part, the National Party justified its policies by branding its opponents as communists.

The African National Congress (ANC) was founded in 1912 to advocate for the rights of black South Africans. As apartheid expanded, the ANC and other groups used both nonviolent and violent actions to combat the government. The ANC and other groups were oppressed by the government, and many of their senior leaders were banned or imprisoned. Nelson Mandela, a prominent ANC leader, was imprisoned from 1962 to 1990.

In the 1970s and 1980s, the anti-apartheid movement gained strength. Foreign governments and the international community isolated South Africa. International sanctions damaged the economy and helped erode domestic support for apartheid. Meanwhile, the end of the Cold War weakened the government’s claim that yielding power would lead to a communist takeover.

In 1990, the government of South Africa took its first steps toward ending apartheid when it ended a ban on certain political organizations including the ANC. Nelson Mandela and other opposition leaders were released from prison and apartheid legislation was repealed. F.W. de Klerk, President from 1989-1994, helped to broker this transition of South Africa from the apartheid-era to a multi-racial democracy. In 1993, de Klerk and Mandela received the Nobel Peace Prize for their work.

In 1994, South Africa held its first election that allowed all adults to vote, regardless of race. The ANC gained power and Nelson Mandela was elected president. South Africa enacted a liberal, democratic constitution, backed by a strong and independent judiciary. While the ANC has remained the strongest party, elections are vigorously contested and democratic safeguards are respected. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission investigated abuses and crimes committed during the apartheid era.

Freedom House’s 2013 Freedom in the World report categorized South Africa as “free” with an overall freedom rating of two, with one being the most free and seven being the least. The country also received ratings of two in political rights and civil liberties. However, in the 2013 Freedom of the Press report, the nation was categorized as “party free” due to government restrictions on the press and the prevalence of civil cases brought against journalists for libel.