Well, on December 17th [2010] [Tarek al-Tayeb Mohamed] Bouazizi set himself on fire and the fruit vendor [Mohamed Bouazizi was a Tunisian fruit vendor who set himself on fire in protest of the government’s harassment and unlawful confiscation of his products] in Sidi Bouzid [a central Tunisian city]. I feel that was the spark that launched a whole series of events and a spark that was used by local activists in Sidi Bouzid, people who belonged to the unions, people who belonged to the parties, to basically portray this episode as something that would have a universal value and everybody would see himself.
So the fruit vendor was first portrayed in the media as somebody who graduated from a university who was a fruit vendor because he did not have another job. And this resonates with a lot. As I say, 200,000 people, you know, are jobless and graduates from universities. But 200,000 people it means 200,000 families invested in those kids to go to school and supported them. And then they had no jobs. So we´re talking about larger group of people who are frustrated with this. And basically what happened is what we´ve seen in the 2008 and other protest that we observe the other regions.
We´ve seen protests that were really cracked down, where there was a really very violent crackdown by [Former Tunisian President Zine el Abidine] Ben Ali in 2008. And I think people saw how it was handled before. And this time got better organized in terms of using the social media to share the information. That´s something we did not see very well before. But also there was some sort of, like, not strategy but was larger resignation with what was happening. And we´ve seen protests being organized in all the small villages surrounded Sidi Bouzid and then in provinces that were near Sidi Bouzid. And this spread really quickly in a short amount of time.
But in the same time we´ve seen a series of the wrong decisions and the worst decisions that any dictator or political system could take. They did not understand what was happening. They sent police right away. They violently oppressed all the protesters. But also the citizens who were living those cities, shutting down electricity, arresting people randomly, police who would destroy local shops. And at some point we started hearing about the use of the real bullets. And real bullets, more than Bouazizi to my opinion were basically the turning point of the revolution.
In Tunisia we don´t carry guns. Nobody has a gun. Nobody has heard the sound of a bullet in his whole life. Never, ever we´ve heard since 1956 [the year Tunisia gained its independence from France] maybe the use of real bullets. And unlike other areas, when something like this happens people are really shocked. Police would use real bullets against young people in the streets? That was something that nobody would accept. And for me that´s when I knew that there would be no way back.
But I think the people who organized the protests knew that there was no way back from the day one. Because we´ve seen they stop at any point and if the Ben Ali forces win the crackdown, then they will pay a very heavy price later on. Although he will be looking for compromise to stabilize the situation in the beginning, six months later everybody will end up in jail.
In 2004, Dr. Zied Mhirsi became a pioneer in Tunisia’s pre-revolutionary blogosphere, and used his blog, Zizou From Djerba, as a platform to express ideas, opinions, and experiences. He soon engaged others in the blogosphere on policy debates about topics like education, agriculture, and the environment. Initially, the Internet was one of the few venues for Tunisians to express themselves without being harassed by government authorities. As the regime of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali became more aware of the blogosphere’s ability to influence society, bloggers like Mhrisi became targets of censorship and persecution.
As a student studying in the United States, Mhirsi became involved in Tunisian radio and through his broadcasts, informed Tunisians about world events. When he returned to his homeland, Mhirsi remained active in radio and used it to promote the use of social media. This concept transformed into a weekly political show that featured voices from the Tunisian blogosphere prior to the 2010 uprising. Since the revolution, Mhirsi has worked extensively with international media analyzing the post-revolution political situation, working with outlets such as CNN, Al Jazeera English, 60 Minutes, CBS News, the New York Times, and the Financial Times, to produce news stories, documentaries, and other shows. In March 2011, Mhirsi co-founded Tunisia Live, the first Tunisian English-language news website. Tunisia Live is viewed by more than 100,000 visitors every month and serves as the main Tunisian news platform for English speakers.
In addition to his media activities, Mhirsi is a global health professional whose public health career focuses primarily on strengthening health systems to combat HIV/AIDS and other serious diseases.
Twitter: @zizoo
Blog: http://www.zizoufromdjerba.com/
Website: http://www.tunisia-live.net/
Tunisia is situated on the Mediterranean coastline. It has a population of fewer than 11 million people and is the smallest nation in North Africa in land area. In 2010 and 2011, it became the first of the Arab countries to revolt against decades of dictatorial rule, launching the Arab Spring and a wave of change across the region. Tunisia has a developing economy, focused largely on agriculture, tourism, and light industry.
Tunisia has been settled since ancient times. In the 10th century B.C., it was part of the Phoenician Empire. The city of Carthage, near the modern capital of Tunis, was established in the 9th century B.C. In 149 B.C., the Roman Empire conquered the Phoenicians. Islam was introduced to what is now Tunisia in the 7th century A.D., and the area formed part of the Ottoman Empire for centuries. In 1881, Tunisia became a protectorate of France. A strong French cultural element continues to this day.
In 1956, Habib Bourguiba led Tunisia to independence from France. His political party, later known as the Constitutional Democratic Rally, went on to dominate Tunisian politics for more than 50 years. Bourguiba’s Tunisia was a largely secular state and was viewed as one of the most progressive in the Arab world on women’s issues. In 1987, Bourguiba was replaced in a “bloodless coup” by his prime minister, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Ben Ali continued many of Bourguiba’s policies, but ruled with an increasingly heavy hand. The Ben Ali regime was repressive and corrupt, with a dismal human rights record. The regime showed little tolerance for dissent, and lashed out at opposition voices in politics, civil society, and the media.
The Tunisian Revolution began in December 2010, when Mohamed Bouazizi, a young street vendor, set himself on fire in protest over harassment by a local official. Bouazizi’s act led to mass demonstrations across the country, protesting the lack of human rights, poor economic conditions, and corruption and nepotism in the Ben Ali regime. On January 14, 2011, Ben Ali stepped down and fled the country. On October 23, 2011, Tunisia held its first free elections, forming a Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution and lead the country to general elections. The role of religion in society is among the most important issues facing the assembly and country.
Under the interim Constituent Assembly, Tunisia has experienced considerable political upheaval, but has begun to consolidate its democracy. There is a major fault line between Islamist and secular political forces. In 2013, several political assassinations resulted in widespread protests and demonstrators calling for the nation’s Islamist-led government to be removed. In January of 2014, after two years of debate, the Constituent Assembly ratified the nation’s new constitution. The constitution is considered progressive for the nation and has many human rights guarantees. With the ratification of the constitution, elections are scheduled for autumn 2014.
Freedom House’s 2013 Freedom in the World report categorized Tunisia as “partly free”. The nation received the following ratings on a scale with one being the most free and seven being the least: 3.5 as an overall freedom rating, a four in civil liberties and a three in political rights. Tunisia’s Internet and press were also categorized as “partly free” in subsequent Freedom House reports.
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