Election day on the 23rd of October, was a great day, because we felt we became citizens. For the first time, we had this feeling. For the first time, we were proud to be Tunisians. And for the first time, we understood our vote is crucial for political makers, for political decision makers. And now nobody can do everything they want of these people.
Now the work is starting. Because we put the first stone, but it is the first stone. We have to do big, big building. And building our democratic tradition is a long, long trip. It´s not easy. We are aware of that. But we are confident. Because you know, a lot of foreign observers are looking at us, are, “Oh, you have Islamists running the country. Then you are bad. You cannot access democracy because you have a lot of Islamists leading this parliament.”
When you are holding elections in your country, if the winner is leftist party or rightist party you never say the process is bad, it´s not democratic. Because the winner is not the one you need. It´s democracy. It is the play of democracy. But because we, for the first time, had really, really fair and free elections, and the winner is the rightist, a lot of European observer are saying, “Oh, it´s a failure.”
Why it is a failure? Why? Our rightist groups are not alone. They have around them a lot of other groups doing the balance. We also have a very dynamic civil society they were resisting against dictatorship, it´s much more difficult than resisting in a democracy. And there is a lot of people who will never, never accept that the goals of the revolution are not respected, are not achieved, and are violated by any group– any political group. They never accept that.
And if they are watching some of these groups are violating these achievements, they will go again on the street. And me too. I never, never accept that some fundamental and basic rights will be at risk in our new democracy. I never can accept that. And I– when I say “I” I am saying also all Tunisians never accept that. And you can be sure that we started going down the right way.
Of course we are at the first step. Of course we are not used in this democratic play. Of course we have to grow up. We have to learn. Nobody already had an experience in the democratic play in Tunisia, no one. Even the winners or the [candidates] who didn´t win and they will be the opponent in this next Parliament.
But let us try. Give us a chance. Let us go and build. And maybe some failure and then success and then– but let us try. Why would you like us to start with the perfect model?
One is to be a perfect democracy. And the other to be always under a despotic governance. And why we can´t have a normal democracy with all things related to the play. In the play nothing is perfect.
But we have the right to do mistakes, and to change, and to correct our mistakes, and to go ahead and to do it in a better way. We are learning from people from abroad. We are learning from other experience. We tried, regarding this transitional justice, with reform of police, reform of judiciary. We tried to learn from Polish people, from Hungarian, from South African, from Latin American.
And we are trying to learn from how they did this transition. Because it´s not easy at all. Because the old regime is still there. Because the people against this revolution are still in the administration. And we also need how to do it. But why they– we are supposed to be successful 100 percent. Why? And I say, “Please let us try our own way to go to democracy.”
Sihem Bensedrine was born in 1950. She studied at the University of Toulouse Le Mirail in France, from which she holds a degree in philosophy. Upon her return to Tunisia in 1977, she began work as a journalist, and became known as a critic of the regime.
As one of the most prominent Tunisian human rights activists, she paid a high price for her views. The regime continually harassed her and her family, pressuring employers to fire her, applying financial pressure, and slandering her in the media. Bensedrine’s family was under constant surveillance, received death threats, and was at times not allowed to travel outside the country. Due to these threats, she spent years as an exile, continuing to speak out on human rights and democracy issues in her homeland.
In 1998, she cofounded the National Council for Liberties in Tunisia (CNLT). In 1999, she launched the “Kalima” website, which reported on conditions inside the country. Kalima later expanded to satellite radio broadcasting. She also cofounded the Observatory for Defense of Freedom of the Press, Publishing and Creation (OLPEC).
Bensidrine returned to Tunisia as the demonstrations against the Ben Ali regime gathered steam. She continues to advocate for freedom of the press and other human rights as Tunisia transitions to a new democratic system of government.
Tunisia is situated on the Mediterranean coastline. It has a population of fewer than 11 million people and is the smallest nation in North Africa in land area. In 2010 and 2011, it became the first of the Arab countries to revolt against decades of dictatorial rule, launching the Arab Spring and a wave of change across the region. Tunisia has a developing economy, focused largely on agriculture, tourism, and light industry.
Tunisia has been settled since ancient times. In the 10th century B.C., it was part of the Phoenician Empire. The city of Carthage, near the modern capital of Tunis, was established in the 9th century B.C. In 149 B.C., the Roman Empire conquered the Phoenicians. Islam was introduced to what is now Tunisia in the 7th century A.D., and the area formed part of the Ottoman Empire for centuries. In 1881, Tunisia became a protectorate of France. A strong French cultural element continues to this day.
In 1956, Habib Bourguiba led Tunisia to independence from France. His political party, later known as the Constitutional Democratic Rally, went on to dominate Tunisian politics for more than 50 years. Bourguiba’s Tunisia was a largely secular state and was viewed as one of the most progressive in the Arab world on women’s issues. In 1987, Bourguiba was replaced in a “bloodless coup” by his prime minister, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Ben Ali continued many of Bourguiba’s policies, but ruled with an increasingly heavy hand. The Ben Ali regime was repressive and corrupt, with a dismal human rights record. The regime showed little tolerance for dissent, and lashed out at opposition voices in politics, civil society, and the media.
The Tunisian Revolution began in December 2010, when Mohamed Bouazizi, a young street vendor, set himself on fire in protest over harassment by a local official. Bouazizi’s act led to mass demonstrations across the country, protesting the lack of human rights, poor economic conditions, and corruption and nepotism in the Ben Ali regime. On January 14, 2011, Ben Ali stepped down and fled the country. On October 23, 2011, Tunisia held its first free elections, forming a Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution and lead the country to general elections. The role of religion in society is among the most important issues facing the assembly and country.
Under the interim Constituent Assembly, Tunisia has experienced considerable political upheaval, but has begun to consolidate its democracy. There is a major fault line between Islamist and secular political forces. In 2013, several political assassinations resulted in widespread protests and demonstrators calling for the nation’s Islamist-led government to be removed. In January of 2014, after two years of debate, the Constituent Assembly ratified the nation’s new constitution. The constitution is considered progressive for the nation and has many human rights guarantees. With the ratification of the constitution, elections are scheduled for autumn 2014.
Freedom House’s 2013 Freedom in the World report categorized Tunisia as “partly free”. The nation received the following ratings on a scale with one being the most free and seven being the least: 3.5 as an overall freedom rating, a four in civil liberties and a three in political rights. Tunisia’s Internet and press were also categorized as “partly free” in subsequent Freedom House reports.
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