I think the reason you have this revolution– many people say it´s spontaneous. It is in some way, in terms of the timing. No one expected it to happen in this day and age in this particular moment in history.
But the reason it took place is because we´ve been for years actually planting seeds of change- and planting seeds of encouraging people to trust themselves, to think of themselves as leaders, and to take the initiative and to take control of their destiny and realize that they are the messiahs, you know, realize if they want a savior, they have to be the saviors.
They have to embody that message. They should not wait for people to lead them, they should lead the way. And our role then will become clear as opposition and dissidents, whether we are outside the country or inside the country, which is to support them.
Sometimes this is what leadership is about. You support the people and you support the leaders. You don´t try to impose your will on them. You advise, you educate, but in the final analysis it´s the people who have to take charge of their destiny. If you really believe in democracy, this is how it works.
And I believe that you know, finally these seeds that have been planted in the ´90s and the 21st century, in the first decade of it, you know, finally are now blossoming. So there is an element of spontaneity to the revolution, but there is also an element of forethought and planning over a period and cultivation over a period of years, in fact I would say two decades.
It´s far beyond one network, one group of people. There are activists emerging every day– doing their own networks. But the good thing is that we sort of highlighted the role of YouTube and social media in our previous activities. We had, between 2000 and 2009, encouraged people to send us a lot of YouTube messages about the living conditions in South Syria.
And to document the realities of different communities in South Syria. So when we see now all of these rebellious communities, especially in Damascus, which was our focus, you know, we know all of these communities. We have seen them. We knew they are going to rebel because we saw with our own eyes the living conditions. We heard their complaints. And we knew that it´s only a matter of time before these people begin to move.
And we encouraged them to move. You know, tacitly when these, you know, things were happening, we also encouraged them why not do this? Why not protest? Why not go to your local mayor in a demonstration? Why do that? So we planted ideas already. And then we did a program, a TV program that was aired in 2009 to 2011. Six episodes only that were repeated on and on and on and on, talking about living conditions.
Not politics, not freedom of political prisoners, not opening, basically, or lifting the state of emergency. But living conditions. Things that people know. The poverty. What is the government doing? Child labor. The Kurdish issue. The sectarianism in the country. The growth of squatter settlements all over the place and camps inside Syria. People living in tents even though they´re in their own country, they are forced to live in tent camps and whatever because of the draught and the government is not doing anything.
And at the end of that period, I simply did a seven minute summary, basically. My message was very clear. Is that we don´t look at the opposition for leadership. You are the leaders. You want to be free? It´s your job to free yourself. When you´re in the streets, when you´re in the streets demonstrating for your rights, fighting for your rights, our job will be to support you and to get your voice to all corners of the world.
Well, two years later on, there is a revolution. I´m not saying people listened to my message and they went revolting. I´m saying a lot of people have been sending messages like this. And eventually, these seeds that have been planted, you know, grew. Blossomed. Someone must´ve listened to this. Other people listen to other people. But then, that´s accumulation effect. This there´s an intersection of efforts.
And this is it. I mean, more than this, we cannot do. More than this, we cannot claim. It´s up to the revolutionaries inside Syria at one point to form that overall, overarching alternative to the Assad regime. And it´s our role to keep supporting them until they get to that point. Mine is to educate. This is where I find myself mostly.
Ammar Abdulhamid is a Syrian human rights activist who in 2003 founded the Tharwa Foundation, a grassroots organization that enlists local activists and citizen journalists to document conditions in Syria. In response to his activities, the Syrian government subjected Abdulhamid to repeat interrogation and threats. In September 2005, he and his family were forced into exile in the United States. From his home in Maryland, Abdulhamid remains one of the leading bloggers and commentators on events in Syria through the Syrian Revolution Digest.
Follow Ammar Ahbdulhamid on Twitter @Tharwacolamus and on his blog, Syrian Revolution Digest.
The Syrian Arab Republic originated as a secular, socialist state dominated by the Ba’ath party, an Arab nationalist movement. The state has since evolved into an autocracy headed by a single family and dominated by members of the minority Alawite sect, a branch of Shia Islam.
The Ba’ath Party took power in Syria in a series of coups d’état in the 1960s and 1970s. One of the leaders of those coups, Hafez al-Assad, became president in 1971 and led the country until his death in 2000. Under Assad, Alawites assumed control over the state security forces. In 1982, Assad’s forces stormed the city of Hama to brutally suppress a Sunni rebellion, killing thousands of civilians.
Following the death of Hafez al-Assad, his son, Bashar al-Assad, was elected president by a referendum in which he ran unopposed, officially garnering 97 percent of the vote. He was reelected in 2007, again with 97 percent of the vote.
The Syrian government is one of the world’s most brutal and restrictive. From 1963 to 2011, the government operated under an “Emergency Law,” which suspended many constitutional protections of civil liberties. The government continues to use arbitrary detention and torture against political opponents, and operates through an extensive internal security apparatus, including secret police. The government controls most of the country’s media outlets, and access to the Internet is permitted only through state-operated servers. The minority Kurdish population has been continually discriminated against and repressed.
Influenced by movements in Egypt and Tunisia, large opposition protests took place across Syria in 2011. The government responded with a harsh crackdown. Security forces fired on protestors, killing thousands. The crackdown led the Arab League to suspend Syria’s membership. The Assad regime attempted to appease dissenters through a series of low-level and largely inconsequential reforms in 2011 and 2012. However, the conflict has escalated into full-fledged civil war with both liberal and Islamic militias being formed to fight against the Assad regime. The Assad regime has continued to attempt to defeat the opposition using air strikes and heavy artillery to attack rebel-held neighborhoods. Freedoms of association, assembly, and the press were restricted even further as the government attempted to quell the uprising. Over a million people have been either internally displaced or fled the country as refugees.
In the summer of 2013, it was confirmed that the Syrian government had used chemical weapons to attack civilians. Over 600 people were killed in one such attack in the Ghouta suburb of Damascus using a nerve agent confirmed to be sarin. The Assad regime’s use of chemical weapons drew international attention and resulted in a renewed international focus on the nation and its civil conflict.
Freedom House rates Syria as “not free” noting that conditions even prior to the 2011 uprising and subsequent civil war were, at best, abysmal. It earned the worst possible ratings of seven in both the political rights and civil liberties categories. Conditions since the 2011 uprising have only deteriorated, and civil freedoms are restricted under the fear of violence. Freedom House has also expressed concern over rising sectarian tensions and massive displacement.